This collection offers new perspectives on the interdisciplinary scope of the historic avant-garde and highlights the interconnectedness of its artists from a variety of national and disciplinary perspectives.

This unique book examines the heritage and enduring relevance of Viktor Shklovsky's work from a wide range of international perspectives. The essays articulate Shklovsky's impact through various lenses including literature, literary theory, film, art theory, and philosophy from the early-1920s to the mid-1970s.

One of the most famous gods of the pagan pantheon of Ancient Rus is the Thunder Perun. Usually, in the minds of modern humans, the image of Perun is perceived as the embodiment of the terrible and unaffiliated forces of nature, as the personification of thunderstorms, thunder and lightning. Certainly, such a perception came to us from the ancient pagan times as a kind of accumulation inherent in our ancestors ideological paradigm. However, the idea of ​​Perun as the personification of (...) thunder and lightning is confirmed by numerous linguistic intelligence. In particular, at one time, this well-known French researcher L. Lezhe found that the Slavic meaning of the word - lightning. The concept Perun in the Russian, Ukrainian, Byelorussian, Polish and Slovak languages ​​means the same thing. It is lightning. Apparently, in the pagan worldview, this god appears as a symbol of something scary, frightening. The ancient Slavs leaned over to Perun's force, as they generally bowed to any force, considering everything that was stronger than them, "strange", and therefore worthy of respect and worship. (shrink)

Propisʹ sedʹmai︠a︡: ėtika drevnepravoslavnai︠a︡ -- Propisʹ vosʹmai︠a︡: lepota i nelepostʹ -- Propisʹ devi︠a︡tai︠a︡: i︠a︡zyk i kosnoi︠a︡zychie -- Propisʹ desi︠a︡tai︠a︡ : lepota i kosmos -- Propisʹ odinnadt︠s︡atai︠a︡: slovo i Rusʹ (vidimai︠a︡ i nevidimai︠a︡) -- Propisʹ dvenadt︠s︡atai︠a︡: mir i mnogomirie -- Vtoroe slovo o skazannom slove -- Svod osnovopolozheniĭ chertov i rezov -- Selected chapters of book in English.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 62.2 (2001) 335-358 [Access article in PDF] Between East and West: Hegel and the Origins of the Russian Dilemma Ana Siljak Nikolai Berdiaev, the eminent twentieth-century Russian philosopher, wrote that the "problem of East and West" was an "eternal" one for Russia. 1 Attempting to make sense of the violent upheavals that shook Russia in 1917, Berdiaev believed that the source of Russian (...) troubles lay in the "inconsistency of the Russian spirit" due to the "conflict of the Eastern and Western elements in her." 2 Russia, he argued, always contained within its wide territory an invisible and shifting border between two continents, and thus Russian society was forever torn between two cultures. Berdiaev insisted that Russia could not discover its true calling or its place in the world until it resolved its internal conflict between East and West. 3Berdiaev was contemplating the course of the nineteenth century, when Russia's geographical destiny had deeply troubled Russian intellectuals. In the late 1830s Russian thinkers began their minute analyses of cultural and historical sources, hoping to determine the essential character of their nation and believing that their research would enable them to predict Russia's future. Often, diverse questions of progress and stagnation, tradition and innovation, and the individual and society were all framed within this overarching problem of East versus West.It is tempting to see this Russian dilemma as longstanding and natural, given Russia's position between two continents. Indeed, many recent scholars have argued that Russian encounters with Asia, taking place within the framework of Russia's territorial expansion eastward, forced Russians to examine their relationships [End Page 335] with the Eastern, Asian world. 4 It is true that European geographers and historians have debated the location of the border between Asia and Europe since the Middle Ages. But before the nineteenth century this ambiguity hardly troubled Russian minds. The Muscovite state of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, for example, was well acquainted with cultures and lands to its East, engaging in trade and diplomatic relations with Muslim Tatars and others. Yet there is little evidence to suggest that Muscovy was concerned about its position between Eastern and Western countries. 5 Even Peter the Great, whom historians have credited for bringing European customs into Russia, was little concerned with the European/Asian divide in Russian culture. For him the most important geographical question was Russia's place among the northern states, and he was particularly obsessed with Sweden as Russia's primary military rival. 6After Peter's reign, educated Russians, as they became increasingly acquainted with Western European culture, experienced their first pangs of envy and self-doubt in the face of perceived European superiority. Nonetheless, throughout the eighteenth century few cultured Russians had trouble embracing a diverse historical legacy and national character--German, Slavic, Asian. After all, Europeans themselves were proud of their barbarian past. Peter the Great's chief historian, V. N. Tatishchev, wrote with full confidence and little concern that the Russian empire was located "in both Europe and Asia," noting that though more Russian people lived in Europe, Russia had more territory in Asia. In passing he mentioned that "where the border between these two large and most important cultures is located, no one has as yet determined for certain." 7 According to him, the Slavic people as a whole could be divided into Asian and European branches, thus both cultures were of importance in Russian history. 8The first of the great nineteenth-century Russian historians, Nikolai Karamzin, was proud of Russia's diverse heritage. Russia, he wrote, [End Page 336] raising its head between the Asiatic and European kingdoms, represented within its civic life the characteristics of these two parts of the world: a mixture of old Eastern customs, brought by the Slavs into Europe and renewed, so to speak, by our long connection with the Mongols; Byzantine customs borrowed by the Russians along with the Christian religion, and some German customs imparted by the Varangians.... 9This cultural "mixture... (shrink)

Bu makale Sovyet tarihçiliğinde milliyetler meselesini ve bağlantılı olarak tarih yazımındaki değişimleri incelemektedir. Sovyetler Birliği’ndeki politik, sosyal, iktisadi ve askeri değişimler ve kırılmalar tarihsel çalışmaların ve tarih yazımındaki milliyetlere yönelik söylemin değişmesine neden olmuştur. Diğer bir deyişle, söylem değişimleri siyasi gelişmeleri takip etmiş ve siyasi önceliklere göre değişmiştir. Sovyet tarih yazımında dönemselleştirme, Sovyetler Birliği Komünist Partisi’nin yerel milliyetçiliklere yönelik politikalarını nasıl değiştirdiğine ve buna uygun olarak Sovyet tarihçiliğinin milliyetler meselesiyle ilgili söylemlerindeki değişime atıf yapmaktadır. Sovyet tarih yazımında milliyetler meselesi kapsamındaki (...) tartışmalar, yerli halkların, yani Rus olmayanların, Çarlık Rusya’sı yönetimine nasıl yaklaşacakları, kendi geçmişlerine, tarihlerine, kahramanlarına, onların eylemlerine ne kadar odaklanacakları, tarihi ve milli şahsiyetleri ne kadar yüceltecekleri, Çarlık yönetiminin sömürgeci olup olmadığı ve Rus Çarlığına karşı yapılan isyanların gerici mi yoksa ilerici mi olduğu gibi konuları içermektedir. Bu gibi konular Stalin dönemi Orta Asya Sovyet tarihçiliğine egemen olmuş ve merkezin politikaları değiştiğinde tarihçiler de görüşlerini siyasal değişimlere uydurup güncellemişlerdir. 70 yıllık Sovyetler Birliği deneyimi birçok konuda olduğu gibi tarih yazımında da birbiriyle uyuşmayan farklı eğilimleri içermiş, bir dönem Rus milliyetçiliği baskı altında kalır yerel milliyetçiliklerin gelişmesine izin verilirken takip eden dönemde ise yerel milliyetçilikler baskıdan payına düşeni almıştır. 1930’lardan itibaren Türkistan gibi Sovyetler Birliği’nin bazı bölgelerinde birleştirici tarih anlatısı yasaklanıp Orta Asya halklarının ortak bir geçmiş algısına sahip olması engellenirken ülkenin batısında Slav halkları açısından tam tersi bir politika izlenmiştir. (shrink)

By appeal to the phenomenon of presupposition accommodation, Rae Langton and others have proposed that speakers can gain genuine authority over their audiences when they implicitly claim such autho...

En collaboration avec Marie-France Bazzo, Maka Kotto et plusieurs autres, voici un ouvrage qui traite de la liberté d’expression (que ce soit à propos du mot en n, ou de la pièce de théâtre SLAV), des débats sur le genre, ainsi que d’autres questions sociales fortement médiatisées qui ont provoqué un certain malaise dans la société.

Mağrib ve Mısır dönemi olarak ikiye ayrılan Fâtımî devleti tarihinin Mağrib devresi Mısır’a nazaran daha az incelenmiş görünmektedir. Bunun en önemli sebeplerinden bir tanesi bu dönemdeki muasır kaynakların Mısır dönemi kaynaklarına oranla fazla olmayışıdır. Bununla birlikte günümüzde Fâtımîler’in Mağrib dönemini kapsayan IV. (X.) yy.’a ait bazı muasır kaynakların bulunmuş olması, söz konusu döneme ait önemli bilgilerden haberdar olabilmemize imkân tanımıştır. Bu eserlerden olan ve Fâtımî devletinin Mağrib dönemindeki bürokrasisine ışık tutan Sîretü’l-Üstâz Cevzer adlı muasır kaynak, Fâtımîler’de halife ve veliahttan sonraki (...) üç numaralı devlet adamı olma şerefine nail olan slav asıllı Üstâz Cevzer’in ilk Halife Ubeydullâh el-Mehdî döneminde devlet hizmetine alınmasından, dördüncü Halife Mu‘izz’in hilâfet merkezini Mansûriye’den Kâhire’ye taşımasına değin gerçekleştirdiği önemli faaliyetlerini konu edinmektedir. Ele aldığımız çalışmada Fâtımîler’in Mağrib dönemindeki önde gelen devlet adamlarından bir tanesi olan Üstâz Cevzer’in hayatı detaylı bir şekilde incelenerek bu dönemin bürokrasisinin daha iyi anlaşılmasına katkı sunulması hedeflenmektedir. Başta Sîretü’l-Üstâz Cevzer adlı çağdaş kaynak olmak üzere Üstâz Cevzer hakkında bilgi veren az sayıda eserin incelenmesinin yanında batıda da yapılan araştırmalara değinilerek hazırlanan çalışma, literatüre sunacağı katkı itibarıyla özgündür. Ayrıca çalışma bazı araştırmacılarca Üstâz Cevzer’in, Mısır’ı ele geçiren komutan Cevher es-Sıkıllî ile aynı kişi olduğu yönündeki yanlış kanaatlerin ortadan kalkmasına yardımcı olacaktır. Yine bazı araştırmacılar tarafından Fâtımîler’in Mağrib dönemi veziri olarak kabul edilen Üstâz Cevzer’in gerçekten vezirlik görevini deruhte edip etmediği gibi sorulara çalışmada cevap aranacaktır. (shrink)

Courts and jurors sometimes refuse to assign liability to defendants on the basis of statistics alone, despite their apparent reliability. I argue that this refusal is best understood as a recognition of defendants’ right to security. Understood as a robust good in Philip Pettit’s sense, security requires that someone risking harm to others’ protected interests adopt a disposition of concern that controls against wrongfully harming them. Since trials risk harm, the state must adopt such a disposition. Statistics leave open the (...) possibility of innocence and so wrongful harm in a way that the state cannot ignore; if it does use such statistics, it makes defendants wrongfully insecure. This explanation of the problem of bare statistical evidence is especially apt because security grounds the right to a fair trial and judicial procedural rights more generally. (shrink)

Savīyahʹhā-yi maʻrifatʹāfarīn-i nafs -- Falsafah-yi Ṣadrā -- Falsafahʹī barā-yi zīstan-i safar-i ʻishq.

The question to be discussed in this paper can be put in simple terms: at what date were the collections of scholia on classical Greek authors compiled? Scholars have given two conflicting answers. The first was put forward by J. W. White in his edition of the scholia to Aristophanes' Birds. Developing an opinion of Dindorf, he suggested that the archetype of the scholia was a large parchment codex of the fourth or fifth century, which contained in the margins a (...) commentary drawn from several sources. A very similar view has been expressed about the scholia to Apollonius Rhodius and Pindar. (shrink)

Aproximación al pensamiento de Rodolfo Kusch -- Canto e identidad en el Martín Fierro según Carlos Astrada y Rodolfo Kusch -- Donde el barro se subleva -- La rehabilitación del saber seminal como camino hacia una mística popular -- Kusch y el impulso social de nuestra época -- La barbarización de la civilización, una grieta de antaño -- ¿De dónde pensarnos?

Die Herrschaft des Behaviorismus in der Psychologie ist gebrochen! Das ist die Ausgangsthese dieses Buches, die im Rahmen des Modells revolutionärer Wissenschaftsentwicklung (Kuhn) als Behauptung eines Paradigmawechsels präzisiert wird. Die Argumentation beschränkt sich nicht nur auf den Nachweis des Niedergangs des Behaviorismus, sondern gibt auch konstruktiv das mögliche neue Paradigma an: als Psychologie des reflexiven Subjekts, das wie der Wissenschaftler (subjektive) Theorien aufstellt, überprüft, bewertet. Der Aufriss einer solchen Psychologie des epistemischen Subjekts unter allgemein-, sozial-, pädagogisch- und klinisch-psychologischem Aspekt thematisiert (...) vor allem: die Rationalität der Reflexionen, Normenkritik und -begründung im Austausch von wissenschaftlichen und naiven Theorien sowie die Berücksichtigung von Reflexivität in der therapeutischen Praxis. Die Rückwendung dieser pychologisch-metatheoretischen Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaftstheorie führt auch zu einer neu. (shrink)

By ‘the logic of religious language’ I understand both a problem: What is the correct account of the logic of religious language? and a theme, a recurrent theme in the modern philosophical discussion of religion, which raises a related but distinguishable question: Is the approach to religion of linguistic analysis an adequate approach? Can we do justice to the logic of religious language by attending to the recognition and analysis of different linguistic forms?